Intergovernmental Relations Committee
Regular MeetingEugene, OR · May 7, 2021
Agenda
Eugene Intergovernmental Relations
Committee AGENDA
May 7, 2021
12:00 p.m. Intergovernmental Relations Committee MEETING
Virtual Meeting
Eugene, Oregon 97401
Committee Members
Greg Evans Claire Syrett, Chair
Matt Keating Lucy Vinis, Mayor (Ex-Officio)
12:00 p.m. Intergovernmental Relations Committee MEETING
1. Call Meeting to Order-Chair Syrett
2. Agenda Review and amendment.
3. Discuss HB2002 and the -4 Amendment.
4. Items for Good of Order
5. Adjourn
For more information, contact the IGR Manager at 541-682-5242,
or visit us online at www.eugene-or.gov.
Memorandum
Date: May 6, 2021
To: IGR Committee
From: Ethan Nelson, IGR Manager
Subject: HB2002 and -4 amendment
At your May 5th meeting, you gave direction to hold a special meeting of the IGR Committee on
May 7th to discuss the -4 amendments to HB2002. Below is a short analysis and
recommendation for an official position.
HB 2002 proposes a wide range of criminal justice system reforms being championed by the
BIPOC Caucus and criminal justice reform advocates. These proposals have wide ranging impacts
on the way the City of Eugene would police and adjudicate.
To date during the 2021 Legislative Session, a large set of criminal justice and police reform
stakeholders have been working in a collaborative and bi-partisan process to create a package of
16 police reform bills that are moving through the legislative process. Chief Skinner spoke to
eight of these during your May 5 meeting. The process included months of hearings, policy
work, work group meetings and was based off the tremendous work of the Joint Committee on
Transparent Policing and Use of Force Reform that was held during the interim session. When
adding the police reform measures that were adopted during the 2020 Special Sessions to the 16
reform measures currently moving through the process this session, 23 police reform bills will
have been considered by the Oregon Legislature in the past 12 months.
House Bill 2002 has not followed the same robust process that resulted in the police reform
package and the coalition of local governments and law enforcement associations are asking that
this bill not move forward this session. There is a great deal of work to implement the bills that
were adopted in the special session and a great deal of work to get the proposed bills passed this
session. Our position on HB2002 -4 amendments would be to halt the process for this session
and create an interim Joint Commission or some formal working group to engage in the
collaborative robust process that has been successful to get real reform developed. This will
allow local governments and law enforcement to focus on what is in front of us and come back
and be fully engaged in the hard work to address the systemic issues which the base bill of
HB2002 proposes to address.
In addition to this memo, I am sharing with the Committee the LOC/AOC/Association testimony
with details related to the impacts of the -4 amendments. It is with this background that I make
the recommendation of Priority One-Oppose to HB2002 -4 amendments.
TO: Rep. Janelle Bynum, Chair
Rep. Ron Noble, Vice Chair
Rep. Karin Power, Vice Chair
Members of the House Committee on Judiciary
FR: Jason Myers, Oregon State Sheriffs’ Association
Kevin Campbell, Oregon Association Chiefs of Police
Paige Clarkson, Oregon District Attorneys Association
Rob Bovett, Association of Oregon Counties
Scott Winkels, League of Oregon Cities
RE: Public Safety Concerns with HB 2002 -4 Working Amendment
April 7, 2021
Chair Bynum and Members of the House Judiciary Committee:
As your public safety and law enforcement partners we thank you for your thoughtful
engagement and partnership over the past 4 months. As you know, your Committee has shaped
meaningful and impactful police reform and policy bills – all the result of diverse stakeholder
engagement, tough conversations and hours of collaboration.
Unfortunately, the dash-4 Working Draft Amendment to HB 2002 makes sweeping changes to
the public safety system from initial stop, to arrest, to the sentence and to probation…all
without, in our opinion, the thoughtful exchange necessary to ensure these reform driven
measures don’t result in unintended impacts and real safety risks to Oregonians.
To that end, we have combined our collective concerns with the dash 4 Working Draft
Amendment to HB 2002 below and request that this bill not be advanced during the 2021
Legislative Session.
Sections 3 through 5 – Officer Stops
While officers are trained to provide the reason for a stop in routine situations, requiring them
to do so for every stop is problematic. Circumstances involving victim safety, officer safety, and
sensitive criminal investigations are reasons why an officer would have valid reasons for not
identifying the reason for the stop. For example, if the stop is to effectuate an arrest of a
homicide suspect or in response to a serious physical assault, the individual stopped may
attempt to escape or become violent. If the stop is in response to an amber alert or child
abduction report, giving the reason for the stop could put the child victim at risk.
Section 7 – Arrests
As drafted, the amendment would prohibit officers from arresting individuals for several
delineated crimes. Many of these crime categories, after the arrest, would result in removal of
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an individual for trespass, resisting arrest (without an accompanying underlying charge), or
interfering with a peace officer. Which is often the desired deescalating result. Take for
example the recent attacks on the Oregon State Capitol. While we understand the desire to
limit when an officer executes a custodial arrest, this should be discretionary and not a blanket
prohibition that doesn’t consider the unintended consequences.
Additionally, a blanket prohibition on the police’s ability to arrest for prostitution causes
significant unintended consequences for victims of human trafficking, as debated under SB 274
(2021). Removing a police officer’s ability to arrest and detain for prostitution removes law
enforcement’s ability to investigate and protect trafficking victims, particularly youth. Law
enforcement intervention, while not ideal, is the only tool available to first responders
(including DHS) for a forced separation between victims and their traffickers. That removal can
connect victims with resources while holding their offenders accountable.
Section 9 - Infraction Stops
This section prevents law enforcement from stopping a person if one headlight or one taillight
is out. This poses an incredible safety risk to the motoring public. First, a car’s lights are what
give those around them an awareness of their presence and a perception of the other car’s
location in relation to their own. Take a person who has both their headlight and taillight out
on one side of their car. If another car is attempting to merge into their lane, their perception
of the location of the car will be completely wrong which could easily lead to a crash. This is
especially hazardous on darker roads. In addition, when law enforcement stops a person for
lighting being out, it is often the first time the person becomes aware that the light needs
replacing. This ensures the person’s safety and those driving around them.
Section 11- Jail Admission for Ill Persons
This section prohibits jail admission for those "in serious need of psychiatric care... or in acute
need of psychiatric care” without any exception for risk to victims or the community at large.
In addition, the term “appropriate medical facility” is not defined and the party authorized to
provide medical clearance is not identified.
In addition, the broad and undefined language of this section places police agencies, including
the Oregon State Police, at risk of civil liability for making a determination or failing to make a
determination as to whether or not a subject is “seriously ill” or “seriously injured” or “in
serious need of psychiatric care.”
Sections 12 and 13 – Parole and Probation Officers
These sections prohibit a parole and probation officer from carrying a firearm and compromise
their ability to perform their job duties safely. In response, local government and county risk
departments will be forced to make changes to current parole and probation job duties that are
not in keeping with best practice polices.
Section 12 also restricts where an officer may visit a person on supervision, including locations
in which “individuals seek social services or public benefits” – which would mean officers could
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not visit people on supervision who are participating in a community corrections program, such
as an embedded resource center, or even a JRI-funded treatment program or community
housing.
Section 15 – PPS Reduction
This section would make all individuals released from prison eligible for up to a 50% reduction
in their period of Post-Prison Supervision. This broad eligibility would include those who have
committed gun offenses, DV assaults, sexual abuse, and other serious person to person
crimes. As written the bill does not provide safeguards to ensure that an offender has sufficient
time to complete any treatment or programing that has been ordered as part of their PPS, to
pay restitution or to ensure that the period of Post-Prison Supervision is long enough to ensure
that valid victim safety measures, such as a no contact order, can remain in place. This section
would diminish the community’s expectation of post-prison supervision for when offenders are
released from custody.
Section 16 - Conditions of Supervision
This section discusses conditions of probation that may be imposed by the court if they are
“necessary and appropriate in a particular case.” This raises several questions: Will the court
need to make a record as to why each condition imposed is necessary and appropriate? What
is the standard for this and how will it be applied? Will this create inherent inequity when not
applied to like or similar situations? This departs from consistent conditions of probation that
would apply across the board, standardizing collaborative case planning and cognitive-
behavioral interventions that we have worked hard to create. This is also very likely to lead to
significant litigation.
In addition, and most significantly, under this bill an individual would be able to continue to use
controlled substances while on criminal supervision. This is true even when the person is
required to engage in treatment. Currently, courts require those under supervision to abstain
from the “use of controlled substances except pursuant to a medical prescription.” With this
bill, probation for DUII, domestic violence assault, and other assault crimes that directly involve
the use of controlled substances will not address the cause of the underlying issue. This puts
the safety of Oregonians at risk. It also creates an inconsistency within the law: Why require
treatment (which requires abstinence for successful completion) while not requiring the same
as a condition of probation? We understand that relapse is part of recovery, but this conduct
should still be brought before a court for a judge to decide how to best address the ongoing
concern.
There are additional practical concerns: this section allows for testing and an evaluation for
controlled substance if the person has a “history of abuse.” It is unclear how history of abuse in
a particular case is presented, defined or assessed.
Section 17 – Supervision & Impact Panel Fees
This section of the bill deals with post-prison supervision. The same language is present that
prevents the imposition of a condition of abstaining from the use of controlled substances. This
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would include individuals who have seriously injured or killed Oregonians while driving
impaired by controlled substances. This section also prevents offenders from paying the
minimal $5 fee to support those who run victim impact panels. Victims impact panels are an
incredibly effective tool for preventing future drunk and drugged driving, and they rely on this
money to run their programs and without them offenders will not get this much needed
educational awareness of the impact of their crime on victims.
Section 18 - Jail as a Sanction
The section prohibits the court from ordering jail as a sanction when a probationer uses drugs.
As noted above, this has the potential for serious consequences to many programs which are
serving as an alternative to incarceration. It is not uncommon in such a program for a jail
sanction to be used as a way to intervene in a person’s relapse before they can be placed back
into an inpatient program. Sometimes an individual relapses and is no longer allowed to stay in
their program housing and it is clear they need a higher level of care and a jail sanction is used
as an intermediate step. There are circumstances where community safety and personal well-
being of the individual will be deeply harmed unless jail is available. Judges are in the best
position to consider whether jail serves these needs for individuals and the community.
Sections 19 through 21 – Supervision Fees
The elimination of supervision fees includes funding through the DOC for FY 21-23. The
proposed section states that DOC shall use a formula based on the previous collections in a
county as the allocation method. This methodology does not carry the same fairness as the
current Grant in Aid allocation methodology. Section 21 does not state the amount needed for
distribution to counties, and for counties to maintain the amount budgeted for FY 21-22, the
statewide amount would need to be $12,129,380. This amount also should be infused into the
Current Service Level as distributed through Grant in Aid funding.
Sections 27 to 31 – Justice Reinvestment Funding Shift
The JRI proposed amendments beginning in section 27 would mandate 20% of funding go to
the Northwest Health Foundation, a 501(c)(3)(4) serving the Portland and SW Washington area.
It is unclear what their role would be statewide. The amendment also shifts an additional 5% to
victim services. This would result in a 25% reduction in JRI services if total JRI funding is not
raised to compensate. As many of you know, Justice Reinvestment funding provides critical
statewide evidence-based programs and services. Without new additional funds, current
services would be eliminated under this proposal and likely divert less persons from prison and
increase the risk of recidivism statewide. This is a departure from the science-based approach
used by the CJC in all of its programs, including JRI and could compromise the entire JRI
program by infusing a part of the program with a structure and standards that are not
accountable in terms of proof of efficacy.
Thank you for your consideration and careful review.
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